Black Lives Matter
Lebron, Christopher J.
The Making of Black Lives Matter:
A Brief History of an Idea. New
York: Oxford University Press, 2017.
Lebron's eloquent meditation on how to locate #BlackLivesMatter
in narratives of African American intellectual history illuminates a number of
problems. First, it is no easy matter to
explain how writers and their works play sundry roles in #BlackLivesMatter as
well as in multiple transnational movements. In the 21st century, political and
social movements are unstable, and they encourage us to be skeptical with
regard to efforts to explain them.
Consider also that literary works are indeterminate, and placing them in
the contexts of time-bound movements only increases our sense of
uncertainty and baffling entanglements. The
placement activates interdisciplinarity.
There's no formula for choices among analytic methods and competing
methodologies, for how one might arrive at precise descriptions of
relationships between the motions of everyday events and the material stasis of
a printed text or the more challenging
forms of interactive "texts" associated with social movements.
Black lives matter, because life matters. But a scholar who is committed to continuing
a fundamentally absurd "conversation" with non-black
Americans finds herself or himself making "life" a problem; she or he
repeats the crisis of the intellectual in a new key, repeats either the
defensive posture of James Weldon Johnson or the confirmative posture of
Langston Hughes, and repeats the serious laughter of ambivalence. To understand what Lebron and other black
thinkers are engaging, one might first read Simone de Beauvoir's meditation on
freedom in The Ethics of Ambiguity
(1948) and digest her conclusion that if each person did what she or he must,
"existence would be saved in each one without there being any need of
dreaming of a paradise where all would be reconciled in death." She did not have an answer, but she mapped
nicely the chaos that Lebron has chosen to play within.
Lebron provides a succinct analogy which casts light on this problematic
complexity. "Much like the way
a corporate franchise works, minus revenue and profits," he contends,
"#BlackLivesMatter is akin to a social movement brand that can be picked
up and deployed by any interested group of activists inclined to speak out and
act against racial injustice" (xii) Brands can be discarded in our increasingly
disposable societies, and activists rarely have consensus about
objectives. There is a similar situation
in death-bound literary and cultural studies.
Scholars tend to "speak
out" or eagerly interrogate diverse aesthetic and ideological
features of a text, but for many
of them a praxis of "acting out" is an unacceptable
option. They insist their insights are not political, and it isn't far to seek
why they should do so. Does a full professor actually want to have
a productive, mutually enlightening
conversation with a janitor? Unless
the professor has the bravery to put
mind and body within the site of contention, as did Walter Rodney and as Angela
Davis continues to do, the conversation will be endlessly delayed and the interrogation will endlessly retain its safe, academic characteristics.
Most scholars avoid the risks that Lebron confronts as he makes
a brief survey of struggles native to
African American intellectual history created by black lives from the
18th century to the present; as he argues with philosophical alacrity that a
politics of love, derived from works by James Baldwin and Martin Luther King,
Jr., should be deployed in the combat zone of continuing manifestations of
race-specific injustice. Lebron's aptly
titled five chapters are clues that even the blind might see: 1) "American
Shame and Real Freedom"; 2)" Cultural Control against Social Control:
The Radical Possibilities of the Harlem Renaissance"; 3) "For Our
Sons, Daughters, and All Concerned Souls"; 4) "Where Is the Love? The
Hope for America's Redemption"; 5) "The
Radical Lessons We Have Not Yet Learned."
He nails the coffin with "Afterword: Nobody's Protest Essay,"
affirming his affinity with Baldwin.
Lebron's dealing with the fraught idea of #BlackLivesMatter illuminates why it is fruitful to situate the relevance of Richard Wright's
ideas about life, for example, in
multiple contexts, including the dead ends of being locked up in love with
Baldwin and King. Many non-black
thinkers and their black allies dream that accepting the slavery of love is
necessary in order to have a redemptive
conversation along with moral realignment and the civic virtue of national
salvation. Wright instructs us to segregate airy dreams from the dead flesh of
nightmares that torment contemporary lives.
Lebron does struggle mightily with such discrimination, but he ultimate
chooses to genuflect before the altar upon which integrity of personhood rests.
As he tries to transubstantiate his anger into something "more intelligent
and precise" (164), he feels obligated to assert that " [w]e are not in the corner and our
backs are not up against the wall. We
are free to move how we want so we should make the most of it, with charity and
grace" (165). One is left to wonder
if the "we" included in #BlackLivesMatter is identical with the
"we" self-consciously excluded
from it. And one quakes with curiosity
about what logic authorizes Lebron to proclaim ----"White Americans have,
in one crucial respect, a more acute moral vision than many are prone to credit
them with. They know, more surely than black Americans, that the arc of the
moral universe bends toward justice" (159). I suspect the logic is a disease for which we
shall never find a cure within the black/white binary. Black moral vision has
never been myopic.
Wright's relevance is
a rhizome. The relevance that grows in the thinking of King
and Baldwin are plants of a very different species. One
has to speak about Wright's works
in terms of humanity's global concerns ,
in terms of issues that expose the
historicity and limits of #BlackLivesMatter ---alternative visions of world
order, an expanding gap between wealth and poverty, hunger, vexed ecological choices, power, and the desire of
some persons to be "gods."
Wright addressed such issues and
many others in his fiction, poetry, and non-fiction. Wright scholars continue
to make inquiries about how the content and forms (rhetorical structures) of
his works provide equipment for thinking , acting and living in the present,
for ongoing examination of the arc of ethics and morality that is a primal
element in his works. Their efforts are supplemented by inquiries made in
American Studies, in social science disciplines, in detailed studies of how
people read and employ reading. It is essential that Wright's legacy be
evaluated from the perspectives of many contexts, that we strive
to construct holistic explanations (and agonize that literacy pertaining to
history, cultures, and social movement is slowly declining among
American citizens), that the legacy not
be endlessly betrayed by the Judas-kiss of Baldwin's "Everybody's Protest
Novel." In short, it is my affinity
with Wright that leads me to swear that The
Making of Black Lives Matter is an excellent book for reinforcing judicious
skepticism. Read it.
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