A Nation of Anger
A NATION OF ANGER
When a writer uses the findings of the social sciences regarding anger to produce an explanatory narrative, the
writer's good intentions may provoke anger and a vision of despair. How many readers find comfort when the
reflection of their faces in a Mirror of Truth stares at them with
contempt? Charles Duhigg, an accomplished
writer of a certain kind, succeeds in producing neoliberal anger in "Why
Are We So Angry? : The Untold Story of How We All Got So Mad at One
Another" in The Atlantic
(January/February 2019): 64-75. The
voices of indigenous peoples and Asian Americans are silent in the telling of
the untold. For them, Martin Luther King
Jr.'s saying to an audience at Carnegie Hall in February 1968 that "the
supreme task is to organize and unite people so that their anger becomes a
transforming force" is water on Teflon.
So too is the fact that in April 1968, Duke Ellington announced at
Carnegie Hall that King ("The King of Love") had been murdered and
martyred. Narrative histories can be
furiously exclusive.
The main achievement of Duhigg's article is his hiding fury,
futility, and fragility behind the mask
of reason. There is strength in
imperfection, the tacit pretense that selective use of facts can explain the
totality of a historical phenomenon. How
treacherous is the excellence of rhetoric in our time? Does contemporary rhetoric not tell us to go
to Hell and make us irrationally happy to undertake the journey? No doubt,
Duhigg is aware the olive branch of his narrative can only transform readers
committed to disbelief into the better demons of themselves.
Duhigg's readers do not demand that he document his
quotations and statistics. Only
super-subtle readers would make that demand.
Instead, his readers are angry sheep, who, like Republicans and
Democrats, are lazy, dishonest, immoral, closed-minded, unethical and
unintelligent. For them, whatever is
"supercalifragilisticexpialidocious" is Truth.
Duhigg initiates the journey to perdition with smooth
talk about James Averill's 1977 study of anger in Greenfield,
Massachusetts. We shall never know the
quality of anger in Mississippi or Montana in 1977. Perhaps knowing wouldn't make a significant
difference. All we need to know is that
"in 1992 along, social scientists published almost 25,000 studies of
anger." That number is not
impressive. 2,500,000 studies of anger
are required to explain the USA, to prove Duhigg's thesis that "America
has always been an angry nation."
What was the geography between the first arrival of Vikings and the
planning of the Boston Tea Party? Duhigg
ignores that confederation of
"nations." He focuses on a
nation born of revolution, a nation that manufactured a political system
"cleverly designed to maximize the beneficial effects of anger." He fails to say that genocide plus theft plus
a Constitution authorizing exclusion, inequity, iniquity, and enslavement were
necessary to ensure that anger would be beneficial to a chosen few and
systemically corrosive for those not chosen.
He is accurate, however, in claiming that since the founding of the
nation, "the tenor of our anger" has become "a constant drumbeat
in our lives" and in pointing out that in 2018 "evidence of anger's
destructive power is everywhere."
To provide neon billboards for righteous rage, Duhigg
takes us back to the mid-1960s and the efforts of Cesar Chavez. His juxtaposing Chavez's "thesis that moral outrage can achieve
widespread change" with the example of the mutiny or spontaneous rebellion
in the mid-1800s against the East India
Company gives us pause. We might pause
longer had he positioned the Haitian Revolution in the context of that thesis. Does it really enlighten us to say Chavez is today lionized
alongside Martin Luther King, Jr. an Mahatma Gandhi without saying that some
very angry Americans lionize Adolf Hitler and Woodrow Wilson and Theodore
Bilbo? What a shortcoming to not mention
that outrage moral and immoral are
Siamese twins!
The jewel in the article is Duhigg's insight that "corporatized outrage can be remarkably
effective, but it's fundamentally manipulative, and tends to further the
interests of the already rich and powerful, often at the expense of the little
guy" (to say nothing about the dismissed little woman). "Rarely is it
a force for social goo. Nowhere has that
been more evident than in the media industry" wherein "the cable-news business
perfected the monetization of moral outrage." That Duhigg calls out Fox News, CNN, MSNBC, Facebook, Twitter, Geraldo Rivera, Rush
Limbaugh, Bill O'Reilly, Chris Matthews, Keith Olbermann, and Rachel Maddow is
a godsend. Yes, performance is all;
truth, a secondary afterthought.
There is no mystery in Duhigg's championing the use of
anger involved with a 2015 experiment of Israeli social scientists in a Tel
Aviv suburb, Giv'at Shmuel. That portion
of narrative is fraught with the jouissance which can only obtain in
recognition that Israelis and Palestinians are Cain and Abel or sometimes Abel
and Cain.
Duhigg's narrative comes to a robust conclusion, the
promise that America can make progress "if we channel our anger to good
ends, rather than the vanquishing of our enemies." Unfortunately, progress in the form of
systemic transformation is naught but a devoutly wished-for dream, a fiction
couched in anger, the lust for revenge by any means available, the distributive
acidity of hatreds. Our nation will
never satisfy its hunger and thirst for vanquishing real and imagined
enemies. After all, anger can only
copulate with anger. Anger never has
congress with angels. And Charles Duhigg is truly an excellent salesperson and
teller of trickster tales in the market place of American tribes.
Jerry W. Ward, Jr. December 20, 2018
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